Temos uns problemas para resolver…

tá bom barna, já vou ler o tópico! 🙂

*Barna

O corretor muda pra Barba

Tá faltando o post daquele MALUCO FALANDO: MAS OS DONOS DO DINHEIRO… MUSK TEM CONTATO COM A CIA, PAI DO MUSK ERA AGENTE SECRETO E COISA E TAL.

O dia que uma dessas estiver num preço de um telefone top da China, o feminismo morre.
https://twitter.com/MrCitan/status/1847642663610167689

foi o “um dois”

um dois 17 de outubro de 2024 at 13:38
bukele não conseguia fazer nada porque o supremo de lá barrava tudo.
pediu para a população votar.
a população deu 2/3 do congresso para ele.
só aí ele conseguiu fazer as reformas mais drásticas.
ou seja, bukelele joga nas 4 linhas!

Ahh tem 15anos que xiticao promete a “morte eterna das financas dos 196Estados”… e NADA, nao produziu um prego.

Entao a pesquisa da fusao nuclear – que vai acabar com os postes da light e queda arvores da enel – nao pode durar 50anos?! Ahhh num phooode ne?!! Kkk

os pães estão goumetizados:
pão australiano, 79 mulas, tem paozinho por mais de 112 a 199 reais o kilo.
massinhas: acima de 29reais. pão comum: 16 a 23 mulas o kg.
tá quase mais barato comprar um prato de comida pronta.
Outro dia fizeram oferta de massinha de canela, a 19 reais.. comprei.. no caixa: 30reais.. reclamei… (zé continha.. mas dava 3,50 de diferença). Reclamo mesmo. fdp.

Devia ter pedido pra… Deixa pra lá. 😃

Interessante.

Vou olhar esse canal com calma.

Além disso, $500 milhões por ano estão programados para programas de defesa antimísseis israelenses e conjuntos EUA-Israel, nos quais os dois países colaboram na pesquisa, desenvolvimento e produção desses sistemas usados por Israel, incluindo o Iron Dome, Davidilitis Sling e Arrow II. O Iron Dome foi desenvolvido exclusivamente por Israel, mas os Estados Unidos são parceiros de produção desde 2014. Por exemplo, o empreiteiro militar dos EUA Raytheon fabrica Mísseis interceptadores Tamir para Israelilits Iron Dome em suas instalações no Arizona.

Existem condições ou restrições associadas ao auxílio?
As transferências de equipamentos militares dos EUA para Israel, assim como para outros governos estrangeiros, estão sujeitas à lei relevante dos EUA. O presidente deve notificar o Congresso [PDF] antes de vender grandes sistemas ou serviços de armas de potências estrangeiras avaliados acima de um determinado limite de dólar, e os legisladores têm permissão para um período para revisar a venda. Para transações com Israel (e outros aliados próximos dos EUA), o limite que desencadeia uma revisão do Congresso de quinze dias varia de $25 milhões a $300 milhões, dependendo dos artigos ou serviços de defesa.

Obtenha os Fatos
Quanto de Ajuda Tem os EUA. Enviou a Ucrânia?
Congress can block a sale through a joint resolution, although this has never happened. In special cases, the president can bypass the congressional review if they deem that a national security emergency exists. President Biden has used this expedited waiver process for both Israel and Ukraine. For smaller transactions that don’t meet the dollar threshold, no congressional review is required.

The United States cannot provide security assistance to foreign governments or groups that commit gross human rights violations, a red line enshrined in the so-called Leahy Law. Moreover, the Biden administration announced in February 2023 that it would not provide arms to recipients deemed likely to commit serious human rights violations. Some legal scholars and other critics have alleged that the United States has not applied the Leahy Law with regard to Israel as it has with other Middle Eastern countries.

Any military aid that the United States provides to recipients must only be used according to agreed-upon terms and conditions, and it is incumbent on the U.S. government to monitor the end use of the equipment it provides. For instance, the Ronald Reagan administration banned transfers of cluster munitions to Israel for several years in the 1980s after it determined that Israel had used them on civilian targets during its invasion of Lebanon.

Israel has agreed to use U.S. weapons only in self-defense. Outside of this, Biden administration officials said in mid-October that they had not placed further limitations or constraints on how Israel uses U.S. weapons, although they said that Israel should observe international law. In February 2024, four months into the Israel-Hamas war, Biden issued a national security memo requiring recipients of U.S. military aid to give written assurances that they would observe international law in their use of the aid, and that they would facilitate the delivery of U.S. humanitarian assistance in the area of armed conflict where the U.S. military aid is being used.

In May, the administration issued a follow-up report [PDF] that found it “reasonable to assess” that Israel has used U.S. weapons since October 7 “in instances inconsistent with its IHL [International Humanitarian Law] obligations.” Days later, the White House said it was pausing a shipment of large bombs to Israel ahead of a pending assault on the southern Gaza city of Rafah, although it noted it would continue other military assistance. “Civilians have been killed in Gaza as a consequence of those bombs and other ways in which [Israel goes] after population centers,” President Biden said in an interview with CNN.

What military aid has the United States provided Israel since the October 7 attacks?
Israel has been using American-made weapons against its foes, including Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran, for decades. Since October 7, the Biden administration has reportedly made more than one hundred military aid transfers to Israel, although only two—totalling about $250 million—have met the aforementioned congressional review threshold and been made public. The Israeli military has reportedly received expedited deliveries of weapons from a strategic stockpile that the United States has maintained in Israel since the 1980s. Shortly after Hamas’s attack, the United States also agreed to lease Israel two Iron Dome missile defense batteries that Washington had previously purchased from the country.

The extraordinary flow of aid has included tank and artillery ammunition, bombs, rockets, and small arms. In April 2024, news reports said the Biden administration was considering new military sales to Israel that are valued at more than $18 billion and would include fifty F-15 fighter aircraft, although the shipments wouldn’t arrive for years. The Israeli military is also reportedly purchasing some high-tech products, such as surveillance drones, directly from smaller U.S. manufacturers.

What is Israel’s qualitative military edge (QME)?
QME has been a conceptual backbone of U.S. military aid to Israel for decades, and it was formally enshrined in U.S. law in 2008 [PDF]. It requires the U.S. government to maintain Israel’s ability “to defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual state or possible coalition of states or from non-state actors, while sustaining minimal damage and casualties.” QME is based on NATO military planning vis-a-vis a potential conflict with the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact countries during the Cold War.

Under the 2008 law, the United States must ensure that any weapons it provides to other countries in the Middle East do not compromise Israel’s QME. In several cases, this has required the United States to provide Israel with offsetting weaponry as part of larger regional arms sales. QME has also ensured that Israel is the first in the region to receive access to the most sophisticated U.S. military weapons and platforms, such as the F-35 stealth fighter, of which Israel has fifty.

How Israel’s Imports of U.S. Arms Stack Up
Estimated military value of arms imports*
A grid of charts showing arms imports for Middle Eastern countries, showing that Israel is not the largest recipient of U.S. arms sales but is relatively dependent on the U.S.
Israel is not the largest importer of

U.S. arms, but 78% of its imports

have come from the United States.

Israel

78% from U.S.

3B

2B

1B

From other countries

From United States

0

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

Egypt

Iraq

34% from U.S.

52% from U.S.

3B

2B

1B

0

Kuwait

Qatar

70% from U.S.

50% from U.S.

3B

2B

1B

0

Saudi Arabia

United Arab Emirates

62% from U.S.

57% from U.S.

3B

2B

1B

0

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

*Military value is expressed as “trend-indicator-value,” a

unit developed by the Stockholm International Peace

Research Institute (SIPRI) that represents the military

capability of arms sales.

Note: Countries included are the largest recipients of

U.S. arms sales in the Middle East.

Source: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Why is there growing public scrutiny of U.S. aid to Israel?
Israel received widespread support from the West immediately following Hamas’s attack on October 7, but pro-Israel sentiment among some groups in the United States and many other countries has weakened as Israel’s campaign against Hamas has also killed thousands of Palestinian civilians in Gaza and has exacerbated a humanitarian crisis that is spiraling toward famine. According to a March 2024 poll by the Pew Research Center, most Americans (64 percent) held favorable views of the Israeli people, while a slight majority (51 percent) viewed the Israeli government unfavorably.

Some U.S. and foreign leaders, the United Nations, human rights and activist groups, and other parties have voiced growing concern about Israel’s heavy air and ground assaults on Gaza, as well as its alleged obstruction of humanitarian aid to the densely populated enclave. Israel has said the high civilian death toll is a result of Hamas using civilians as “human shields.” In December 2023, South Africa filed a case at the International Court of Justice accusing Israel of perpetrating genocide, a claim which Israel and the United States both denounced as unfounded. In May, the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC) charged both Hamas and Israeli leaders with multiple war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Recent polls suggest that American adults are divided in their views of U.S. military aid to Israel, with a significant divergence among age groups. Support for military aid to Israel appears strongest among older respondents (ages sixty-five and older) and weakest among younger adults (ages eighteen to twenty-nine).

Younger Americans Are More Critical of U.S. Aid to Israel
Attitudes toward U.S. military aid to Israel in its war against Hamas, by age group
A stacked bar chart showing that younger Americans are more critical of U.S. aid to Israel in its war against Hamas
Strongly favor

Somewhat oppose

Somewhat favor

Strongly oppose

Neither favor nor oppose

Not sure

Total

17

19

14

16

19

15

18–29

7

9

15

16

29

22

30–49

11

15

14

17

23

19

50–64

21

22

14

16

14

12

65+

29

28

13

13

9

8

Note: Percentages do not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Source: Pew Research Center.
While Biden has been an ardent supporter of Israel’s right to self-defense and continues to supply Israel with military aid, he and some members of the U.S. Congress have been increasingly critical of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s prosecution of the war and his government’s planning for postwar Gaza. In December, Biden warned that Israel’s “indiscriminate bombing” of Gaza risked costing Israel its international support. Meanwhile, some Democrat lawmakers sought to condition U.S. aid on commitments from Israel to limit civilian casualties.

In recent weeks, the Biden administration paused a shipment of bombs to Israel, effectively acknowledging that Israel was using American-made weapons in a manner that resulted in civilian deaths in Gaza and that risked violating the laws of war. The White House has also spoken out against what they view as Netanyahu’s lack of planning for postwar Gaza. “Israel’s on the trajectory potentially to inherit an insurgency with many armed Hamas left or, if it leaves, a vacuum filled by chaos, filled by anarchy,” said U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in May 2024. Netanyahu has also faced criticism from his own defense minister, Yoav Gallant, for failing to form a vision for “a governing alternative in Gaza.”

The Biden administration, however, rallied behind the Israeli government in late May after ICC investigators applied for arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant over allegations of war crimes committed in the Palestinian territories during the latest war against Hamas and possibly before. The White House called the ICC’s decision “outrageous” and “profoundly wrong-headed.” The ICC simultaneously announced warrant applications for several Hamas leaders as well.

Prior to the war, the U.S.-Israel relationship had suffered some strains over the rhetoric and policies of Netanyahu’s government, including its plans to curb the Israeli Supreme Court’s powers and its approval of more Jewish settlements in the West Bank—critics say the settlements violate international law and undermine prospects for a future state for Palestinians. The so-called two-state solution has been a long-running U.S. foreign policy goal, including for the Biden administration. Some U.S. lawmakers have raised these criticisms in the debate over U.S. aid to Israel during the war in Gaza.

In recent years, some U.S. and Israeli analysts have said that U.S. aid to Israel should be reevaluated because Israel is now a wealthy country—the fourteenth richest per capita—with one of the most advanced militaries in the world. Unlike Cold War-era Israel in the 1970s, when large amounts of U.S. aid started to flow, modern Israel is more than capable of providing for its own security, and the U.S. aid unnecessarily distorts the bilateral relationship and the countries’ respective foreign policies, these observers say. CFR Senior Fellow Steven A. Cook wrote in May 2024 that U.S. military aid should be phased out over ten years and replaced with a series of bilateral agreements on security cooperation, a move he says would benefit both countries and help normalize their relations.

Martin S. Indyk, former U.S. ambassador to Israel and current CFR Distinguished Fellow, has also called for reductions in U.S. aid. “The U.S.-Israel relationship would be a lot healthier without this dependence. Time for Israel at seventy-five to stand on its own two feet,” he wrote on X in June 2023.

Some experts argue that U.S. aid actually weakens Israel’s defense industrial base while serving primarily as a guaranteed revenue stream for U.S. defense contractors.

Por outro lado, os defensores da ajuda contínua dizem que ela promove uma colaboração contínua e importante entre as indústrias e especialistas de defesa dos EUA e de Israel e, no final, ajuda os países a combater ameaças compartilhadas no Oriente Médio, particularmente no Irã. A ajuda dos EUA continua a ser um “despesas vitais e rentáveis” que melhora a segurança nacional dos EUA, e não deve ser reduzida ou condicionada, escreveram mais de trezentos legisladores republicanos em 2021. Acabar com a ajuda militar dos EUA hoje “enviaria uma mensagem a todos os inimigos de Israel’ de que o maior amigo de Israelroit estava se afastando, en